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"ACROSS THE FLOOD" 

Addresses at the Dinner 

in honor of 

The Earl of Reading 

AT THE Lotos Club 

New York, March 27th, 1918 



"ACROSS THE FLOOD 



99 



THE RIGHT HONORABLE 

THE EARL OF READING 

AT 

THE LOTOS CLUB 
NEW YORK 




NEW YORK 
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 

M CM XVIII 



Copyright, 1918, by 
George H. Dora^n Company 



M 13 I9i8 




©GU499321 & i^/ 



■n*'^<J I 



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rl the course of his address The Earl of 
Reading transmitted to the American peo- 
ple through the Lotos Club the following 
cablegram from The British Premier, The 
Right Honorable David Lloyd George: 

"We are at the crisis of the war, attacked 
by an immense superiority of German 
troops. Our army has been forced to 
retire. The retirement has been carried 
out methodically before the pressure of a 
steady succession of fresh German reserves, 
which are suffering enormous losses. The 
situation is being faced with splendid cour- 
age and resolution. The dogged pluck of 
our troops has for the moment checked the 
ceaseless onrush of the enemy, and the 
French have now joined in the struggle. 
But this battle, the greatest and most mo- 
mentous in the history of the world, is only 
just beginning. Throughout it French and 
British are buoyed up with the knowledge 
that the great republic of the West will 
neglect no effort which can hasten its troops 
and its ships to Europe. In war, time is 
vital. It is impossible to exaggerate the im- 
portance of getting American reinforce- 
ments across the Atlantic in the shortest 
possible space of time." 



FIRST drink a health, this solemn night, 
A health to England, every guest; 
That man's the best cosmopolite. 

Who loves his native country best. 
May Freedom's oak forever live 

With stronger life from day to day; 
That man's the true conservative 

Who lops the mouldered branch away. 
Hands all round ! 
God the tyrant's hope confound ! 
To this great cause of Freedom, drink, my 

friends ! 
And the great name of England round and 
round. 



Gigantic daughter of the West, 

We drink to thee across the flood, 
We know thee most, we love thee best. 

For art thou not of British blood? 
Should war's mad blast again be blown. 

Permit not thou the tyrant powers 
To fight thy mother here alone, 

But let thy broadsides roar with ours. 
Hands all round ! 
God the tyrant's cause confound! 
To our great kinsmen of the West, my 

friends. 
And the great name of England round and 
round ! 

Alfred Tennyson. 



C^"] 



BEFORE thee, the array, 
Blest Island, Empress of the Sea ! 
The sea born squadrons threaten thee. 
And thy great heart, Britannia ! 

******** 

To tyrant kings thou wert thyself the slave. 
Till Freedom dug from Law its deep foundations; 
The mighty Chart thy citizens made kings. 
And kings to citizens sublimely bowed ! 

******** 

Behold thy glory trembling to its fall ! 
Thy coming down the round earth shall appal. 
And all the hearts of freemen beat for thee. 
And all free souls their fate in thine foresee — 
Theirs is thy glory's fall! 

One look below the Almighty gave, 

******** 

"And who," said He, "shall lay mine England low — 

The stem that blooms with hero deeds — 

The rock when man from wrong a refuge needs — 

The stronghold where the tyrant comes in vain? 

Who shall bid England vanish from the main? 

Ne'er be this only Eden Freedom knew, 

Man's strong defense from Power, to Fate consigned." 

God the Almighty blew, 

And the Armada went to every wind! 

From "The Invincible Armada," by Johann C. F. von Schiller. 
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton's translation. 

n«3 



ADDRESSES BY 

PAGE 

Frank R. Lawrence . 15 

President of the Lotos Club 
The Earl of Reading . 25 

Governor Charles S. Whitman ... 47 

Honorable Charles E. Hughes .... 61 

Colonel George Harvey 77 



CXI] 



ADDRESS BY 
FRANK R. LAWRENCE 

President of the Lotos Club 



[;xiii] 



MY Lord, Your Excellency and Gen- 
tlemen OF THE Lotos Club: I re- 
member that one day, some fifteen or 
twenty years ago, in the Royal Courts 
of Justice in London, a friend of mine, 
a very active barrister, pointed out to 
me a somewhat younger gentleman, 
arrayed like himself in wig and gown, 
and said, "There goes a future Lord 
Chancellor." 

The gentleman to whom my friend 
referred sits beside me to-night, your 
illustrious guest, the Lord Chief Justice 
of England. 

The office which he holds, the highest 
purely judicial office in his country, 
has existed from time immemorial. I 
believe there is ancient and historic 
precedent for the temporary laying 
aside by the Lord Chief Justice of his 
judicial functions in time of war, and 
1:153 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

although his Lordship whom we greet 
this evening has not placed himself at 
the head of an army, as one of his early 
predecessors in the time of William the 
Conqueror is said to have done, it is not 
in his judicial capacity, but as the Am- 
bassador of his King, that he comes to 
this country at the present time, and the 
Lotos Club is privileged to-night to wel- 
come not alone the Lord Chief Justice, 
but His Excellency the Ambassador of 
Great Britain, united in one and the 
same person. 

He is thrice welcome : welcome as the 
representative of a great power to 
which we are closely and I hope for- 
ever allied; welcome because of the un- 
bounded respect in which we hold his 
character and attainments, and welcome 
because his presence among us is an in- 
spiration to hasten and redouble our 
efforts for the success of the war, in 
which for almost four years his coun- 
try has unshrinkingly borne a tremen- 
[163 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

dous share, but which we have only just 
begun actively to enter. 

From the beginning, this war, to re- 
sist the aggression of a brutal despot- 
ism and prevent its recurrence, has 
been America's war quite as much as 
England's war, only its scene has been 
from three to six or seven thousand 
miles away. New York, Chicago, San 
Francisco, unlike London, Paris and the 
English coast towns, have not seen the 
enemy air craft in the sky at midnight, 
and had their women and children mur- 
dered in their beds. And thus we have 
not realized until lately our true rela- 
tion to the war; but we should not be 
forgetful of the long struggle already 
passed through by our glorious Allies, 
and least of all should we forget the 
great fleet lying somewhere in the 
northern ocean, which not only has 
formed their chief bulwark, but during 
the greater part of the time and until 
our country began to awake, has 

ni73 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

formed the principal protection of New 
York and other American seaports 
against the attacks of a ruthless enemy. 

This club has never taken any part in 
political or governmental affairs. True 
to its name, it has pursued the even 
tenor of the Lotos path, oblivious of the 
outer world. But a situation now exists 
in which every man — ^yes, and every 
woman — must do everything possible 
to help save and preserve our liberties, 
or else be false to our country in its 
time of need. 

There was a time, down to about a 
year ago, when we felt bound to toler- 
ate such expressions as "pro-German" 
or "pro-Ally" as indicating the attitude 
of individuals toward the war; but the 
moment the Congress of the United 
States, under the leadership of our Pres- 
ident, decided that we should enter the 
war, the time for such milk and water 
terms passed by, though we still some- 
times hear them used. 

i:i83 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

To-day every man or woman owing 
allegiance to the United States is either 
an American or a traitor! 

There is no middle ground, and the 
more swiftly and sternly this fact is rec- 
ognized and given full effect, the better 
it will be for us all! 

It was a source of great delight to me 
a few evenings ago, at a meeting in 
honor of the Lord Archbishop of York, 
to hear a reverend gentleman, well 
known to all of us, deprecate in the 
strongest manner any more talk about 
peace at the present time. He said, "We 
don't want any more statements of our 
war aims. Our only war aim now is to 
win the war." 

It seems to me, gentlemen, that the 
only way to win the war is to follow the 
example of our arch enemy, and or- 
ganize, every man and woman of us, 
concentrate and organize, as Germany 
has done. 

Let us lay aside everything, forget 
11^1 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

everything but the one stupendous task 
of winning the war, concentrate upon 
that, put into it every ounce of strength 
we possess, every man we can muster, 
every ship we can build, every pound 
of munitions or of food that we can 
supply, and let us lose not a minute in 
doing it. 

In this way, and — we may as well 
look the situation squarely in the face 
— in this way only, and with our Allies 
all doing the same thing, in this way 
only can this war be won and the world 
be saved from the curse of German 
domination. 

Somewhere about a year ago, our 
dear old friend, Mr. Choate, in appeal- 
ing to this country to do its full share 
in the war, ended with the words, "and, 
for God's sake, hurry up!" He knew 
the urgency of the situation, and saw 
what was to come. In the time that has 
gone by since that cry rang out from 
the depths of a great heart, very much 
1:203 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

indeed has been accomplished, but, oh! 
the precious, priceless time that has 
been lost! And this, too, in a cause 
where time is vital; where the differ- 
ence between haste and delay may 
make all the difference between glori- 
ous victory and unthinkable shame! 

Surely we can no longer cherish illu- 
sions. As we sit here and dine, the bat- 
tle rages furiously. We have entered 
upon a long, hard struggle, the outcome 
of which no man can yet foresee. Thus 
far America has thrown little of its 
power into the scale. Let us without a 
minute of needless delay pour into it 
the whole of our might. The stake is 
all that we hold dear, our freedom, our 
civilization, the welfare of our children 
and of their children. Let us omit noth- 
ing. Let each reverse make our deter- 
mination to win more inflexible, and 
for the ultimate result let us put our 
trust in the righteousness of our cause 
and the justice of Almighty God. 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

And now, gentlemen, to our guest. 
This club has been honored by the pres- 
ence of many great Englishmen. But it 
has never been more greatly honored 
than to-night, and it is with unbounded 
pleasure that I ask you to rise and join 
me in drinking to the health of His Bri- 
tannic Majesty's Ambassador, His Ex- 
cellency the Earl of Reading. 



[22] 



ADDRESS BY 
THE EARL OF READING 



n233 



MR. President, Your Excellency 
AND Gentlemen: At the outset of 
my observations permit me to thank 
you with all my heart for the cordial 
welcome and reception which you have 
been good enough to give to the toast 
proposed to you. I accept and recognize 
it with supreme gratification, as testi- 
fying your good will to the country 
which I have the honor to represent. 

You, Mr. President, have said in fe- 
licitous terms that I am here, not in the 
capacity of Lord Chief Justice of Eng- 
land, but in that of His Majesty's Am- 
bassador. As Lord Chief Justice it is 
my duty — and there are some here who 
know it as well as I — to sit, to listen and 
to be silent until the moment for pro- 
nouncing the decision comes. As Am- 
bassador, I speak as one untutored yet 
in the region of diplomacy, with all to 
1:253 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

learn. I have always understood that 
an ambassador should make but few 
speeches. He is always in danger of 
saying something more than he ought, 
and never is free from the peril of 
saying something less than is expected 
of him. But I am here, gladly and 
proudly, to-night as your guest because 
my country is one with you at the pres- 
ent moment. We have now been en- 
gaged in war for a long period. We 
have struggled ever since August of 
1914. We are still struggling and we 
shall continue to struggle until the end 
has come. 

It is well, Mr. President, that we 
should face facts. I do not believe that 
either you in this country or we in ours 
are ever the worse for knowing the 
facts, even though they may be unpala- 
table. We have had during the last few 
days conflicting currents of anxiety 
which have no doubt stirred you as they 
have stirred our people to the depths. 
[26] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

We have an enemy who has concen- 
trated his attacks upon our forces with 
the object of driving us to a surrender 
of large bodies of our troops and to 
break our lines so as to compel on our 
part the acceptance of a peace at the 
dictation of Germany. 

The attacks have been heavy; we 
have been driven from positions which 
we held. The enemy has been enabled, 
by withdrawing masses of troops from 
Russia, assisted by the artillery which 
he has got, not only from there, but also 
from Austria, to fling them upon the 
part of the line which was held by the 
British troops. Heroic deeds have been 
performed; acts of prodigious valor 
have been accomplished daily. Many 
of them, alas, must remain unsung; but 
in the end the epic will be written which 
will, I verily believe, be the record of 
one of the glorious chapters of British 
arms. Our men have been compelled to 
give ground in consequence of sheer 

n27n 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

weight of numbers of men and guns. 
If you read the stories that are daily 
appearing in your press, you will know 
some of the deeds which our people 
have been called upon to perform. I 
shall not enumerate them, for the best 
of all reasons, that I know not the de- 
tails; they have not yet been chronicled. 
But I do know, and I have no hesitation 
in saying to you, speaking as I do as an 
Englishman and as the representative 
of my nation, that we have withstood 
the attacks of the enemy and have held 
our line under circumstances which 
may well redound to the credit of any 
nation called upon to submit to like at- 
tacks. In particular, what has held our 
people together is the dogged determi- 
nation, the grim tenacity, of our people. 
When speaking of it I will, if I may, 
Mr. President and gentlemen, read to 
you a message received by cablegram 
to-day from Mr. Lloyd George, our 
Prime Minister, to me, with the inten- 
1:283 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

tion that I should read it to you and 
through you to Americans. He says: 

"We are at the crisis of the war, at- 
tacked by an immense superiority of 
German troops. Our army has been 
forced to retire. The retirement has 
been carried out methodically before 
the pressure of a steady succession of 
fresh German reserves, which are suf- 
fering enormous losses. The situation 
is being faced with splendid courage 
and resolution. The dogged pluck of 
our troops has for the moment checked 
the ceaseless onrush of the enemy, and 
the French have now joined in the 
struggle. But this battle, the greatest 
and most momentous in the history 
of the world, is only just beginning. 
Throughout it French and British are 
buoyed up with the knowledge that the 
great republic of the West will neglect 
no effort which can hasten its troops 
and its ships to Europe. In war, time is 

i:29n 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

vital. It is impossible to exaggerate the 
importance of getting American rein- 
forcements across the Atlantic in the 
shortest possible space of time." 

Mr. President, possibly it is difficult 
for you and the members of this club, 
and indeed the American people — with 
all your sympathy and with all your 
sensitiveness — to understand exactly 
our feelings, who have been in this war 
so long; who have lost so many; 
who have all suffered, and who are all 
anxious at the present moment as to the 
lives of those who are doing battle on 
the front at this moment. It is difficult, 
indeed, to picture to yourselves what all 
this means to us; but you are about to 
learn it. You have your troops now in 
France, you are sending constantly 
more and more troops, you are taking 
your part in the line. You are prepar- 
ing now for any onslaught which may 
be made upon you. You will have to 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

bear the same kind of suffering which 
we have had to endure. You will not 
shrink from it, as we have not shrunk 
from it; you will not flinch from sacri- 
fice as we have not flinched from it. 
You will do your duty — I believe in my 
innermost heart — as we have tried to 
do ours. 

I am not minded, Mr. President — and 
I could not if I tried — to speak to you 
to-night in the ordinary manner of an 
after-dinner speaker. I do not believe 
it was your intention when you invited 
me to be present this evening. I believe 
that you wanted to hear from me as the 
representative of a country which is 
fighting in the same cause as your- 
selves, something of what was happen- 
ing "Over there," in France, where our 
fortunes are engaged. These are the 
days of realities. These are the days of 
grim earnestness. These are the mo- 
ments when men understand that life 
is real and that there can be no play. 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

These are moments when we realize 
more and more that ideals are worth 
striving for, that they are worth sacri- 
fices, that lives must be cheerfully spent 
if they help to attain those great ideals 
which tend to make humanity noble. 

When we consider the present situ- 
ation, we, Mr. President, and you, if I 
may say so, must be careful lest we 
overestimate the effect of withdrawals. 
In considering whether or not the 
enemy is successful we must first of all 
have clearly in our minds what his aim 
is. It is, as you know very well, to break 
through our lines and consequently to 
crush all resistance. Nothing else is of 
real moment. If the line is not broken, 
if the line still holds, then there is noth- 
ing vital that has been gained by the 
attack. 

And it is of the utmost importance 
that we should never forget to count the 
cost to the enemy of any success he 
may have had. I notice General Von 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

Hindenburg has said that the first act is 
ended. There have been bell-ringings, 
flag-wavings and decorations in Berlin. 
But those who are experienced in the 
theatre, from which the simile is drawn, 
would tell you that it is unwise to ex- 
change congratulations until the cur- 
tain is rung down upon the last act. 

It is not the first success that matters 
so much; what will matter is the end. 
Your President has said in the message 
transmitted by him to Field-Marshal 
Haig that he was confident, and I be- 
lieve he spoke for the American people, 
in the ultimate victory. It is that ulti- 
mate victory which will be the final act, 
and then will be the proper moment for 
the exchange of these congratulations. 

We are now being assisted, as ap- 
pears from the Prime Minister's cable- 
gram, by the French. We are fighting 
together; once more we are withstand- 
ing the shock of the hordes of Germans 
driven across to our lines, as comrades 
CSS] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

— indeed, as brothers. For all their 
heroic and valorous deeds no one can 
speak in sufficiently high terms. I will 
not attempt to distinguish, because I do 
not believe it possible, the valor of the 
British and the French who are fighting 
together. They are aiding each other as 
men of valor, and there is an Eastern 
proverb which says that a man of valor 
is the help of God. 

And now, Mr. President, as this fight 
continues, let me remind you that there 
is a quality in the British people which 
you know so well, — having, if I may be 
permitted for once to remind you, had 
common ancestors of British stock, — 
which ensures that when once they have 
made up their minds, when once they 
have set their will and purpose, they 
will hold on to the end, they will never 
give way, and in this instance there is 
the added force— the strength of which 
it is difficult for men to gauge — that 
they know that their cause is just. 
[343 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

Our men are like yours, in the main 
not trained regular soldiers — men who 
were civilians, just as yours were, only 
a little while ago, and who did not think 
that they would ever be called upon to 
don a military uniform. All sections of 
the community joined with us origi- 
nally in volunteering their services, for 
it was only at a late stage that we had to 
have recourse to conscription. All sec- 
tions of the community are now sol- 
diers doing their share, and it is indeed 
one of the marvels of the day, that there 
should be so many men who perform 
deeds which were thought to be associ- 
ated with the few, but which neverthe- 
less are the product of the proud heri- 
tage, I believe, of our common stock — 
deeds which are the result of an inborn 
valor and of a fixed determination 
which knows not the meaning of giving 
in. 

Mr. President, I think now of the ef- 
forts that will be required before this 
1135: 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

struggle is ended. Do let us remember, 
as we have tried to remember it in my 
country, that it is not only courage and 
enthusiasm for the war that are re- 
quired; it is the effort of every man and 
woman in the country. Everything 
that human ingenuity can bring to bear 
on this struggle must be accomplished. 
All resources which can be organized 
and mustered for the common purpose 
must be brought together and must be 
used. All that men can do must be done. 
That is the lesson we have learned. It 
is the lesson we are trying to teach our 
people. It is the lesson, I believe, which 
must be learned everywhere in war; 
for, Mr. President, this war is a war in 
which it is idle to speak as if certain na- 
tions only were involved, — it is a war 
in which the very sacred principles 
upon which humanity is based are at 
stake. 

It is incalculable what the results 
would be if, indeed, we were to fail. 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

We cannot fail, because if we did, hu- 
manity would stagger and be crushed. 
But I do not for one moment contem- 
plate a possible failure. I see before 
me, speaking for my countrymen and 
our Allies, the assistance which is being 
given, and will continue in ever-increas- 
ing magnitude to be afforded us by this 
great republic. When at this moment 
I think of what I have seen and heard 
and read during the few days in which 
this great struggle has been continuing, 
in which this great and momentous bat- 
tle has been waged, I am indeed encour- 
aged; and I have felt justified in telling 
them in England how stimulated they 
should be by all that I have witnessed 
here. 

Can there be a doubt as to the bearing 
of this great battle upon the United 
States? Let me answer by reading to 
you some words of an editorial in one 
of your leading newspapers : 

"To-day we are following the for- 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

tunes of Haig's troops as if they were 
our own. And they are our own. Every 
man of them is fighting our cause. 
Every man of them has died for our 
liberties." 

And it is that spirit, which I notice 
with so much gratification, that I have 
ventured to communicate home to Eng- 
land. 

Mr. President, I feel I ought to say to 
you that I have not made the speech, 
perhaps, which you expected. Will you 
forgive me — the speech I had intended 
to make I could not make. My mind has 
traveled for the last few days with all 
of our forces, with all that we hold dear 
in France. It is saturated with all that 
I have read and all that I have heard 
from there. I cannot speak to you of 
anything but the struggle of the mo- 
ment. I cannot address you upon any 
subject but one which fills my thoughts. 
I believe that I should be wrong if I at- 
tempted it, and that in truth I am right 
[383 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

in speaking lo you as I would speak to 
my own people if I were in England. 

It is very largely the welcome which 
you are good enough to give me, the 
real satisfaction which I believe you 
feel in the British Ambassador's pres- 
ence here, that has tempted me to 
speak to you as I have done to-night. I 
have not sought in any way to mini- 
mize the events that have happened. I 
believe it is right that we should recog- 
nize their importance, and that we 
should understand them, and whilst 
not exaggerating, that we should realize 
their full effect, but at the same time 
that we should not be dismayed. To- 
day and this evening, Mr. President, 
the news we have received is an en- 
couragement and gives an indication of 
what is to happen next. 

I speak for my country when I say to 
you in conclusion that we have no fear, 
we have no doubt, we are not shaken 
in our faith, we are as resolute as ever, 

n39j 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

we are determined that come what may 
we will fight on as we are fighting for 
liberty, that which is dearer even than 
life itself. 

Together, Mr. President, you in Amer- 
ica and we of Great Britain and the Al- 
lies can do so much, now that we are 
closely associated, that no human be- 
ing, however great his foresight, can in 
my judgment measure it. I have stood 
from the first moment staggered at the 
immensity of the problem when striv- 
ing to picture to myself what you and 
we together can accomplish — you with 
your ideals, with your great traditions 
of liberty, with your battles ever for 
liberty and for liberty alone — we with 
our traditions, with our past history, 
with our clarified vision, with our 
ideals, the same as yours. We can now 
walk with you in the path which all 
with great ideals would wish to tread. 
Together we can secure almost all that 
is worth having; together we can ac- 

i:4on 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

complish much that hitherto seemed 
impossible. Together we can work for 
liberty, for democracy; together we can 
maintain the peace of the world. 

In my view, Mr. President, there is 
nothing greater in the world's vision, 
at the present moment, than your great 
nation and mine assembled together, 
fighting for the common cause, shed- 
ding our blood together for the com- 
mon ideal, determined together to win 
a common victory, struggling and striv- 
ing with all our might and main, not 
for aggression of any country, not for 
any dynastic victory, not to make one 
sovereignty greater than another, but 
that we may together pursue the 
path of peace, of justice, of liberty, 
that in the end it may be said that we 
with our Allies have done that which 
seemed impossible, — we have managed 
to secure peace for humanity and for 
the world. 

[413 



President Lawrence: The Lotos Club thanks 
His Lordship for his most magnificent and 
inspiring address. And, gentlemen, some 
of us here can go back and remember the 
time, more than fifty years ago, when the 
terrible storm of Civil War swept across 
this country like wildfire, and we know that 
one of the finest products which it brought 
forth was a group of men called "War Gov- 
ernors" There were John A. Andrew of 
Massachusetts, Andrew G.Curtin of Pennsyl- 
vania, Oliver P. Morton of Indiana, Edwin 
D. Morgan of New York and others whom 
some of you can still remember. And as a 
great part of our contribution to the present 
war New York has brought forth a great 
War Governor. I believe it is the fact that 
of all the men demanded of this great State 
of ten or eleven million people, every man 
called for by the General Government has 
been ready at the hour appointed; and this 
is due, in greatest measure, to the energy 
and the efforts of one whom we have long 
known as a brave and high-minded public 
official. His Excellency Charles S. Whit- 
man, Governor of the State of New York. I 
have the pleasure to call upon Governor 
Whitman. 

[43: 



ADDRESS BY 
HONORABLE CHARLES S. WHITMAN 

Governor of the State of New York 



n453 



MR. President and Mr. Ambassador: 
I know that you will all agree 
with me that we are better men and bet- 
ter Americans for having listened to 
this great speech of this great represen- 
tative of a great country to-night. 

The people of our State are very glad 
of this opportunity to express their 
pleasure at the action of Great Britain 
in sending us the distinguished guest of 
the evening, the British Ambassador to 
the United States of America. 

We are gratified to have as the repre- 
sentative of the great English speaking 
people of Europe one who brings to 
the support of his high office such 
equipment for service. His knowledge 
of affairs in Europe, his views on the 
relation of the individual to the Gov- 
ernment, and the obligation of the Gov- 
ernment to the People, his ideas of 

n473 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

right and justice as revealed in the 
opinions handed down as the head of 
one of the greatest legal tribunals on 
earth, as well as his inborn principles 
of democracy, as exemplified in every 
act of his distinguished career, give as- 
surance of the harmonious cooperation 
between our allied governments which 
is essential to the successful completion 
of the great task remaining before us. 

Americans desire your countrymen 
to know, Mr. Ambassador, that we have 
a keen appreciation of the enormous 
burdens which Great Britain has car- 
ried through this war, the tremendous 
and indescribable sacrifices which she 
has made, and the service which she 
has rendered not only America but all 
mankind in saving, for she has thus 
far saved, a civilization which is the de- 
velopment of centuries of democratic 
growth and experience, and toward 
which the faces of free men all over the 
world are turned to-day. 

i:48: 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

Had not England determined to stand 
upon the integrity of her treaties, for 
the sound principles of morality, which 
should govern all nations in dealing 
with their neighbors, and for the pres- 
ervation of national honor, freedom 
and justice, who can doubt that to-day 
American institutions and our boasted 
American freedom would have been 
at the mercy of a power that has filled 
the world with horror and with terror? 

England has saved America thus far. 
We know that in deciding upon her 
course Great Britain was governed by 
the sole consideration of her obligation 
not alone to her own people, but to hu- 
manity and to civilization. Her cause 
was our cause from the first; her war 
was our war from the first. 

I know that I represent all of our 
people when I say that America desires 
your countrymen to know that we un- 
derstand fully the great part which Eng- 
land, modest as she has been in claiming 
C493 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

the glory, has played in prosecuting 
this defensive war against autocrac3^ 
Her great wealth and her vast resources, 
her wonderful Navy, her Army of mil- 
lions of men of unconquerable spirit, 
every treasure which she possesses, has 
been placed unselfishly in this great 
struggle for the preservation of democ- 
racy. The world has not been disap- 
pointed, — I mean the civilized world, 
for every nation on earth that is en- 
titled to be called civilized is back of the 
English Army to-day. 

The world has not been disap- 
pointed in the effectiveness of the work 
of the great English Navy. The British 
fleets have protected the world; they 
have imprisoned the German Navy and 
blockaded the German coast. They have 
swept the German flag off the high seas 
and made possible the importation of 
foods and munitions and the transpor- 
tation of freights from all parts of Brit- 
ain's extensive domain and even from 

nson 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

the United States. They have made pos- 
sible, those British Jackies, the capture 
of the colonial possessions of Germany. 
The great achievements of the English 
Navy have prevented a German victory. 
The spontaneity and the promptness 
with which England adjusted her finan- 
cial and industrial and military affairs 
— and she has taught us a lesson, too — 
to meet the conditions unexpectedly 
thrust upon her, have given cheer and 
courage to every free government of 
the world. 

The rapid construction of her great 
Army of millions of as splendid soldiers 
as the world has ever seen is one of the 
marvels of the war. Courage, grim de- 
termination — oh, we have seen it in the 
last few days, haven't we? The gal- 
lantry and skill exhibited by the Brit- 
ish Army even before these last few 
days, in its masterly retreat from Mons 
to the Marne, resulted in one of the de- 
cisive battles of the war, helped to save 
[513 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

Paris, and barred the German Army 
from its great objective of this war. 

There is nothing in the conduct of 
the whole war which illustrates more 
clearly the vital principles at stake— 
and it is worth thinking of-^than the 
character of the Englishmen who have 
participated in these battles. We are 
apt to forget that at times. It has not 
been a war of the classes; it has been a 
war in which Englishmen of every 
class have discharged their obligations 
to their country with a patriotic devo- 
tion unequaled in all history. Poets — 
they are not supposed to make good 
soldiers, but they have — poets, publi- 
cists, lawyers, scientists, professors, stu- 
dents, financiers, members of Parlia- 
ment, sons of the wealthy and aristo- 
cratic, as well as of the laboring and in- 
dustrial classes, have all responded to 
their country's call and rendered a ser- 
vice which only patriots can perform. 

We realize in democratic America 
1:52: 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

what the sacrifices of your country have 
been, and we remember that on the roll 
of honor, the record of those who have 
fallen, appear such names as Hender- 
son, Asquith, Kitchener and Gladstone. 
When this war is finished — and pray 
God that time shall not come until the 
issue is determined once and for all — 
and the historian in the days to come 
shall reflect upon the part which your 
country has performed in the determi- 
nation of that great issue, the service 
which Great Britain has rendered to 
humanity and to civilization will be 
recognized by the whole world, with a 
keener appreciation of its value, mag- 
nitude and significance to mankind 
than is possible to-day. 

I make this brief reference to the 
achievements of Great Britain because 
I believe the people of that Government 
should know that the people of the free 
governments of the world, of this great 
free Government on this side of the 

n533 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

Atlantic, recognize and appreciate the 
great service she has rendered to civili- 
zation, and which she has rendered to 
us. We do not fail to value the services 
of other nations fighting with the Allies, 
and no people have been more gen- 
erous of the recognition of that service 
— the service that other nations have 
rendered — than has Great Britain her- 
self. And we have seen a striking illus- 
tration of it here to-night. The spirit 
of the wonderful people from whom 
you have come is the spirit of our 
people now. We did not come into the 
conflict too soon, but we have not come 
too late. 

In the message which has come from 
England's Prime Minister the words 
appear substantially, "after all, the 
battle is only at its beginning." His 
Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Ger- 
many, if he looks for a speedy victory, 
little understands the spirit of this 
great nation on this side of the Atlantic. 

n543 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

The battle is only at the beginning. 
Why, the war is only at the beginning! 

Privileged, as I am, to speak for this 
great State, — and I appreciate the 
honor, and of course I am grateful for 
it, — with its population of eleven mil- 
lions, I want to say, as our Toastmaster 
has said, that when the Federal Govern- 
ment asked us for 122,000 men, which 
was our quota among the States, we 
gave 164,000 men. Like all of the other 
States of this great country of ours, we 
could not keep them back. We will 
give the Federal Government 164,000 
more, and still another 164,000, and if 
necessary we will give 164,000 more, 
and then we shall not have given pro- 
portionally as many men to the cause 
as has England herself. 

Representing all of our people, I 
know that I can say truthfully that their 
hearts and their hopes go out to the 
heroes and the martyrs along that bat- 
tle-front of fifty miles upon which the 

i:55n 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

gaze of the world is centered to-night. 
We are with them heart and soul. 

As fast as it is humanly possible, our 
sons, too, are on the way, prepared, if 
need be, to make the supreme sacrifice, 
that England's holy dead shall not have 
died in vain. For all of our people, 
whose hearts are full of gratitude and 
of admiration for the mighty men of 
England, I am proud to welcome to our 
State to-night her great Ambassador. 



csen 



President Lawrence: Gentlemen, you recog- 
nize, I am sure, one who is very far from 
being a stranger to this Club. It was our 
privilege to receive him when, as the Gover- 
nor of this State, he was fighting a most val- 
iant fight. It was our privilege to receive 
him again when he ascended the bench of 
the Supreme Court of the United States ; and 
to-night I think we may best greet him as 
one who typifies as far as any man in the 
United States, the fine, noble qualities which 
go to make up the ideal American citizen. 
I have the privilege to call upon the Hon- 
orable Charles E. Hughes, 



[573 



ADDRESS BY 
HONORABLE CHARLES E. HUGHES 

Late Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the 

United States; Former Governor of the 

State of New York 



C593 



MR. President, Lord Reading, Gen- 
tlemen OF THE Lotos Club: I 
am glad of the opportunity to join with 
you in welcoming the Ambassador of 
Great Britain. We should extend a 
very cordial welcome to any one who 
came to us, particularly at this time, 
bearing this message of good will and 
representing here the King of Great 
Britain. But, however high the dignity 
of that mission, we count ourselves 
peculiarly fortunate that Great Britain 
has honored us by giving her very best. 
Lord Reading has told you that he is 
here, not as Lord Chief Justice, but as 
Ambassador. For the time being he 
has laid aside the duties of his judicial 
office. I cannot, however, regard our 
distinguished guest simply as an Am- 
bassador of Great Britain or as having 
entirely abandoned the exalted func- 
[61] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

tions of his judicial office. To me at 
this time he comes with the highest pos- 
sible dignity as the exponent of the 
principles of English law and as one 
voicing the eternal sentiment of liberty 
and justice, that sentiment which un- 
derlies the institutions of Great Britain 
and our own. He comes here at this 
time representing the principle that is 
at stake in this vital struggle, for the 
question in the final analysis is whether 
force shall be the master of men or the 
servant of the spirit of justice that is 
within men. 

We extend a hearty welcome, but we 
are not here simply to voice a welcome, 
— we are here to plight our faith. 

It is a time of anxiety which we can- 
not ignore, but it is not a time of that 
foreboding which palsies effort; it is 
a time of solicitude, but yet a time of 
inflexible determination. And every 
foot that the forces of Germany ad- 
vance means that the end cannot be re- 
1:623 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

garded as in the slightest degree uncer- 
tain, for with every foot of advance 
the determination of America becomes 
stronger that there shall never be defeat 
for the sacred cause committed to our 
keeping. 

We say that this is a conflict of antag- 
onistic ideals. We say that it is a strug- 
gle between competing principles of 
government. But it is not a conflict be- 
tween abstractions. The lesson of this 
hour and of all hours is that the con- 
flict between light and darkness is a 
conflict between men, and the victory 
lies with the men who are the more re- 
sourceful, the more courageous, the 
more inflexible in their determination, 
always having in mind that as between 
two men with apparently equal re- 
sources, the one endowed with the sense 
of justice and imbued with the divine 
spirit of right brings to the struggle an 
invincible character which no apparent 
equality of resources upon the other 
1632 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

side can hope to match. This is the 
time for testing men. To my mind, the 
most significant thing about the great 
offensive that the Germans have 
launched is the fact that they have 
thought it necessary to launch it. It is 
quite evident that the slow attrition of 
continued struggle in the manner in 
which it was being waged could not be 
viewed with complacency by the high 
command in Germany. The fact that 
it was necessary to resort to this unpar- 
alleled sacrifice of life is eloquent of 
conditions which made it necessary to 
undertake this great gamble, — with 
what we know will be a sure loss on the 
part of the gambler. 

Conditions would not permit a mere 
deadlock, and hence this thrust at — at 
what? At Paris? At the British and 
French front? Not alone that, not even 
chiefly that. It is a thrust at the spirit of 
France, an attack upon the courage of 
Great Britain, an attack upon the de- 

1:64: 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

termination of America. That is what 
is meant; and precisely because that is 
what is meant, it cannot succeed. We 
read the other day with amazement of 
a great gun, lodged no one knew pre- 
cisely where, which managed to throw 
its shells into Paris. We marveled at 
this apparent achievement. The gun 
was aimed at Paris, and the shells 
reached Paris; but the gun was really 
aimed at the heart of France, — a target 
which German skill can never reach. 

There is no efficiency in Germany 
which can contrive any weapon which 
will reach the indomitable spirit of 
Great Britain. It is because of the char- 
acter of the men who are fighting for 
this principle, and not simply because 
of the principle itself, that we have con- 
fidence at this hour. It is because we 
know the men of Great Britain, their 
doggedness, their pertinacity, their in- 
ability to yield in the great final test; 
it is because we know the splendid 
1652 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

valor of France, the unity of purpose, 
the clearness of vision of those children 
of the French Republic, which have en- 
deared her to all our hearts; it is be- 
cause we can count upon the united 
efforts of these undaunted Britons and 
French that we know the attack upon 
their morale which has been launched 
by the Germans will prove utterly fruit- 
less. And we know the men of the 
United States. We know the stuff of 
which our country is made. At this 
time the principle of democracy is con- 
fided to men who rise tenfold stronger 
because they have been struck; men 
who cannot think of defeat. It is only 
the fatuous and war-mad, such as are 
in command in Germany, who can 
dream of a German victory. To us it 
is an unthinkable thing; and because it 
is an unthinkable thing alike with Brit- 
ish, with French, and with Americans 
every blow means new force, new cour- 
age, new determination. There is not 
1:66] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

an American in the United States to-day 
who, reading this news from abroad, 
but has a fresh accession of determina- 
tion that there will never be, as a suc- 
cessor of the Holy Roman Empire, an 
unholy German Empire established to 
dominate the world. 

I would not underestimate our difii- 
culties. But I am not one of those dis- 
posed every twenty-four hours to ex- 
amine the ledger account to see if I can 
discover a debit balance. I am looking 
for credit balances. There are debits; 
there are serious debits. We must look 
facts in the face. The study of facts 
should not be given over exclusively to 
pessimists. If we are fit to be trusted 
with this priceless treasure which we 
are seeking to defend, this treasure of 
human liberty and the principle of 
democratic organization, then we are 
competent to study facts and retain our 
ability, after looking them in the face, 
with full understanding of their import, 
[67] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

to go forward undaunted to whatever 
conclusions they demand. 

We have a great deal on the credit 
side of the account. The one thing we 
need to give an overwhelming credit 
balance is an appreciation of ^ what we 
can put on the credit side of the account 
and a determination to put it there. 
When Germany launched this offen- 
sive, every shell bore the message: "Do 
you not think we are invincible? What 
is the use of opposing our skill, our 
vigor, our efficiency, after years of 
strife?" Let the response be made with 
unison and emphasis and in such clear 
tones that the Kaiser himself cannot 
fail to understand: "No; you are misled, 
deceived; you are not invincible. You 
are throwing away your men and trea- 
sure in a vain endeavor to dominate 
the world. You cannot succeed. Great 
Britain, France, America and Italy are 
indissolubly united to make sure that 
you never will succeed. There is but 

n683 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

one issue, let the war last as long as it 
may, and that issue will be this, 'You 
will never dominate the world!' " 

We have had before our vision the 
very beautiful picture of a league of 
nations establishing the foundations of 
an abiding peace giving security to 
treaties and to international law. We 
have dreamed that out of this terrible 
struggle we might be able to secure 
international institutions affording an 
opportunity for the development of in- 
ternational law as a true body of law, 
opportunity for conferences, for con- 
ciliation, for the judicial settlement of 
disputes. Do we expect to be able to 
realize that dream? 

Now is the accepted time; now is the 
day of salvation. If there is aught in 
that beautiful picture, if we can sur- 
mount the many difficulties which will 
at once occur to the analyst, it will be 
only because that while thinking of a 
league of nations for the future we put 
[69] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

now into effect a league of nations with 
a true unity of purpose at this time to 
resist the aggressions of force, to estab- 
lish the sanctity of treaties and the se- 
curity of public law, — because at this 
time we prove our ability to act without 
divisions of counsel, without permit- 
ting anything to disturb our movement 
together to the fulfilment of our com- 
mon purpose. 

Let us have, now and for the here- 
after, a league — a strong and effective 
league — of those attached to the same 
democratic principles; as Lord Read- 
ing has said, not for the purpose of 
aggression, not to further dynastic am- 
bition, not to accomplish any selfish 
aim, but in order that we may make the 
world secure in liberty and law. May 
we have now, and not simply in the fu- 
ture, a true league of nations entitled to 
call themselves civilized, who are deter- 
mined to make enduring those prin- 
ciples of justice in international rela- 

r703 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

tions without which there is no hope 
of liberty, without which there is no 
prospect for free peoples, without 
which national progress is a delusion, 
and without which individual liberty 
itself would be absolutely without pro- 
tection. 

I have read, as you have read, during 
the last two or three days the announce- 
ments from the other side which have 
disclosed such an appalling waste of 
life and of treasure in this vain effort 
of the enemy, but I have had a feeling 
of gratitude, after all, that this offen- 
sive has been launched. If anything 
were needed to reestablish our will, if 
anything were needed to brace us to the 
furthest limits of exertion, it has now 
been furnished. Oh, we shall have our 
troubles, but we shall meet them as the 
British have met them, as the French 
have met them! 

In welcoming Lord Reading to-night, 
we welcome opportunity. What is life 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

without opportunity? Life in its rou- 
tine means but little. It is the supreme 
moment of test that counts. A republic 
that could not descry the menace to its 
essential interests could not endure. A 
democracy that could not realize the 
existence of a crisis and the absolute ne- 
cessity of exerting all its powers for its 
preservation could not have any hope 
of permanence. 

This is the day of test for America, 
but it is the day of priceless opportu- 
nity, and those who to-day spend their 
treasure and give their blood in this 
sacred cause will have their memory 
perpetuated for all time as the true de- 
fenders of freedom, the true children 
of our institutions, those whom our 
fathers have taught the simple lessons 
of trust, sincere trust in Almighty God, 
and in the principles of justice that He 
has put in the hearts of men. 



n723 



President Lawrence : Gentlemen, I shall next 
call upon an old member of the Club, 
Colonel George Harvey, and when he 
speaks he always says something unex- 
pected. 



nTsn 



ADDRESS BY 
COLONEL GEORGE HARVEY 

Editor of The North American Review 



n75n 



4S we meet to-night to pay tribute to 
Jl\ our distinguished guest we may 
well recognize at the outset that the 
time, though filled with anxious hours 
as it is, could not be more fitting, be- 
cause it is the day of England's greatest 
glory in the service of mankind. Never 
before in her long career has she, never 
before in the history of the world has 
any nation, stood more nobly for all 
that makes life worth living. Pausing 
first as I do, and as our guest would 
have me to do, to salute with gratitude 
and with reverence our sister France, 
we all must realize that at this moment, 
through force of circumstance, the 
highest honor rightfully attaches to our 
mother England. Well might our Pres- 
ident express to that undaunted host 
the admiration of the American people 
of their "splendid steadfastness and 
1:773 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

valor," and breathe "a perfect confi- 
dence" that they will emerge from the 
frightful conflict victorious. That we 
should be bearing so small a portion of 
the mighty burden is naturally a source 
of deepest grief; but if, as I believe, this 
is but the beginning of the war, we have 
yet time to do our full part in a manner 
worthy of the race from which we 
sprang. The remark has been attrib- 
uted to Napoleon that England invari- 
ably loses every battle — except the last 
one. When history shall repeat itself 
let us of America not only hope and 
pray but make certain through our un- 
flagging endeavors that, in the final day 
of triumph, we stand in adequate num- 
bers, shoulder to shoulder, with those 
resolute British lads who are fighting 
to the last ditch to-day to save our lives, 
our wives, our daughters, and our little 
children just as surely as they are fight- 
ing to save their own. 

It would be idle, illusive and harm- 
[783 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

ful to pretend to regard our work of 
the past year with satisfaction. Who, 
twelve months ago, would have believed 
it possible that now we should have 
begun and finished but two ships and 
should have in France not one new big 
gun, not a single battle-plane, and so 
small a number of American soldiers? 
Though we have not failed, we have 
stumbled sadly. That we all know. 
But I would not dwell upon the defi- 
ciencies of the past. Let us rather turn 
our eyes to the future in confident an- 
ticipation that, though we have profited 
less than we might have hoped from 
the mistakes of others, we may from 
this day forward profit from our own. 
Primarily, at any rate, we may rest as- 
sured that the world is not coming to 
an end immediately, and that if Wil- 
liam the Damned continues blasphe- 
mously to rely upon the Almighty, he is 
surely doomed. What above all else we 
should take to our hearts, as we enter 

n79] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

upon this second year of warfare, is the 
homely old adage that God helps those 
who help themselves. 

We have acted or have failed to act 
too long upon the fallacious notion 
that our belated entrance signalized an 
early ending of the war. The lesson 
derived from that false theory we now 
have learned. Let us then provide at 
once for an army not of one million 
nor of two millions, but of five mil- 
lions as a minimum, and, so far as lies 
within our power, in due time, of ten 
millions of men, and let us pay no 
further heed to either the terms or the 
time of peace. Let us make no more 
futile attempts to differentiate between 
Huns who command and Huns who 
murder. Let us put aside every com- 
passionate thought and crush under 
heel every kindly sentiment. Let our 
one and only motto be: Kill Germans; 
kill them in the greatest numbers pos- 
sible and by every conceivable honor- 

[8on 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

able means, not as fellow beings, but as 
mad dogs who must be made to realize 
that they who take the sword must 
perish by the sword. It is the only way. 

"We accepted this war," said Abra- 
ham Lincoln at another crucial period 
in our national progress. "We did not 
begin it. We accepted it for an object, 
and when that object is accomplished 
the war will end, and I hope to God it 
will never end until that object is ac- 
complished." 

"Let there be no misunderstanding," 
said President Wilson. "Our present 
and immediate task is to win the war, 
and nothing shall turn us aside until 
it is accomplished. Every power and 
resource we possess, whether of men, 
of money, or of materials, is being 
devoted to that purpose until it is 
achieved." 

In echoing these two great utter- 
ances, upon which we must take our 
stand irrevocably, let each and every 

n8i3 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

one of us declare solemnly with George 
Washington, "I am ready for any ser- 
vice that I can give to my country." 

We cannot all take places upon the 
battle-field. We can only send those 
whom we love better than ourselves 
and await in constant anguish, as some 
of us here do await to-night, the pos- 
sible arrival at any moment of the 
dreaded message. 

But there are things that we can do, 
and to hardly less purpose. To my 
mind, as I behold the situation in 
Washington, the chief menace at home 
is the injection of political partisan- 
ship. Already the minds and energies 
of a great number of those to whom we 
have entrusted the conduct of affairs 
are being diverted to the coming fall 
campaign. Practically all measures are 
approached from the viewpoint of per- 
sonal ambition. Presently large sums 
of money will be raised and expended, 
animosities will arise, passions will be 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

stirred and the whole country will be in 
a turmoil at a time when it should be 
possessed of but one all-engrossing 
thought and purpose. 

Gentlemen, there ought not to be a 
Federal election this fall. It is not 
necessary that there should be one. The 
matter is one wholly of arrangement 
and can easily be effected by the leaders 
of the two great parties, if they will but 
face the situation in a generously patri- 
otic spirit. It might not be feasible or 
proper to attempt to deprive the sover- 
eign States of their chief prerogative 
in the election of Senators, although 
even this could be done without pos- 
sibly affecting the result with respect 
to many; but there is no practical or 
legal reason why the present member- 
ship of the House of Representatives 
could not or should not be continued 
as it now stands. The popular branch 
is now and ought to be in harmony 
with the Executive. No conceivable ad- 
L83: 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

vantage could accrue to the country 
from changing its political complexion. 

Doing so would serve only to sub- 
stitute confusion and discord for the 
fixed and definite responsibility which 
now exists. Certain members should 
be beaten, but their number is few, 
their names are known, and they are 
recognized through their acts of infidel- 
ity to the country which they dishonor. 
Against these the two great parties 
should unite and consign them to the 
oblivion and disgrace from which they 
never should have emerged. 

True, we must observe the form of an 
election, but there should be but one 
issue — loyalty to country, to civilization 
and to God. Thus we should achieve the 
unity so greatly needed, worth more 
than a corps of soldiers or a dozen bat- 
tle-ships, and without which we might 
ultimately even fail. The plan is wholly 
practicable. It is inconceivable that the 
President would not welcome it. If 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

the politicians should draw back, it 
would remain only for the people, men 
such as you, throughout the land, to rise 
in their patriotism and ardent desire to 
help win the war, to compel its adop- 
tion. That is one thing, gentlemen, 
which you and those like you can do. 
Why don't you? 

So much has been said of Lord Read- 
ing, and so truly and graciously said, 
that I could hope only to indulge in 
thankless repetition. No man, some 
one has remarked, can be complete un- 
less he have both a vocation and an 
avocation, and it often happens that 
he profits from a definite reversal of 
the two. Let us hope that Lord Read- 
ing, whose vocation is the law and jus- 
tice and whose avocation is diplomacy 
and friendship, may find this aphorism 
to be true, and so rejoice our hearts by 
remaining with us, to our infinite satis- 
faction, for many, many years. 

ess: 



President Lawrence : His Lordship will now 
say a few words by way of "Good Night." 



n873 



Lord Reading: Mr. President, I should 
ill repay this distinguished gathering 
for its reception of my country to-night 
if I detained you for any length of time. 
I am grateful, however, for the oppor- 
tunity which is afforded to me of thank- 
ing you in all earnestness and sincerity 
for this evening, for the beautiful and 
eloquent speeches which have been de- 
livered by your countrymen, for the 
gracious and graceful things which 
have been said about my country, for 
the observations which have been so 
kindly in their reference to myself. 

I shall leave here this evening full of 
the message of confidence, hope, and, 
indeed, implicit faith in the result of 
the conflict which is now proceeding. I 
shall take the earliest opportunity of 
transmitting it to my countrymen, so 
that they may know what happened at 
[89;] 



ACROSS THE FLOOD 

a meeting of a club in New York, when 
throughout the evening I have indeed 
felt in my innermost heart that you and 
we were bound together in a common 
cause for which we deem it right to 
fight and, if necessary, to die. 

I thank you from the bottom of my 
heart 



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